2.2.4 External Social-Structural Interaction
It seemed not that the different groups of type ℶ (beth) had their own overarching structural periodical meetings besides those mentioned already under type ℵ (aleph). Visiting more groups of type ℶ (beth) could have revealed such. However, the congregations knew about each other, and their leaders met others of all other types for national coordination of various efforts. Coordinating bodies and committees have not yet achieved any formal authority over local congregations. This would also be diametrically against the value of „the Free Church”, „the locally independent group”, which does not appreciate external interference.
Occasional exchange of preachers between groups takes place, also occasional cooperation in projects. An example is the production of a promotional audio cassette (14/96, 15/96, 15/97). Prayer meetings for leaders ventilate ideas and common ways into the future. However, non-charismatic representatives seem to find it difficult to participate in opportunities offered by their charismatic counterparts (22/97).
If a group grows forth harmonically from another (8/97), which must not always be the case, the new group seeks to be sent and legitimated by the „blessing” of the older group. Such a step causes quite some commotion and emotion in the old and new group. It takes time to consolidate and clarify the movement between the groups and final place of members. They need to reevaluate friendships and affiliations. Since evangelicals regard charismatic groups as too often causing conflicts, fractions and splits, this appears a valuable observation. I explicated elsewhere that this is not necessary always the case and that others have an interest to label or stigmatise charismatic groups as troublemakers (Kalab 1993).
One congregation of type ℶ (beth) enjoys the challenge and luxury of speaking only Hebrew in its formal meetings, as it supplies no translation to visitors (22/97). Yet even here, members reflect the multicultural background of the larger Israeli society. Another group speaks also much Russian and various other languages, too (15/97). Groups that use various languages in their meetings will receive individuals that cannot catch up with the Hebrew language exclusivity.
Leaders of type ℶ (beth) groups can express gratefulness to Christians and their organized institutions who have taught them the „beginnings of faith in Yeshua” (15/97). Now they view themselves and their congregations as independent, in finances, personnel and culture. In my eyes, this may be more often a noble wish, and less often factual reality. As leaders get financially supported by Christians abroad, such claims sound less convincing. „Who pays, who says,” a saying goes, and suggests that the source of funds can determine the agenda. Occasionally it seemed as if foreign missions tried to force decisions and behaviour of local leaders by financial pressure.
Yet I also got the impression that Israeli Messianic Jews were ever less willing to accept and allow such treatment. Occasional very aggressive statements against Christian missions and churches become easily plausible in such light (Nerel 1998). Criticism against non-Jewish leadership personnel in groups that claim to be Messianic Jewish comes from within their own ranks (Shulam 1998). Also, to me believers seemed at times considerably unaware to what extent they still were culturally Christian, at least if compared with the degree of awareness of Orthodox Judaism or Israeli secularism (Kedem 1991, Winter1992: 35-53).
Other leaders deliberately entered business to support themselves, to avoid the bad „missionary image” (3/95, 3/96). This aims also at cultural independence from overseas influences and demands. These leaders wish to be independent from funds raised abroad and so to avoid Christian interference in their own affairs. Financial dependence is regarded an organizational weakness, or at least as undesirable disadvantage, mainly because evangelicals of different denominations often do not really understand or appreciate the particular cultural situation and requirements of Messianic Jews in Israel (4/97). By working in a profession, or by having their own little business, they consciously keep themselves rooted in Israeli society and daily life with the end to prevent „Messianic Jewish ghettos” (22/97). Besides enjoying their independence of Christian churches they do not avoid debate with them, especially for reconciliation between Jews and Christians abroad (26/97).
Some groups of type ℶ (beth) attempt to realise a quality of communal life that others lack. They claim not to live ones' own life alongside another, but to share life, inspired by the example of the early church (Acts 2:42-47, 4:32-34). Pursuing this example, they spend time together to pray, to study and share their goods according to their needs. I could not verify this claim. Yet I can imagine, that especially in an early and relatively isolated stage of a very small community, such quality was also vital for one's personal and communal survival.
Severe tensions with the „religious”, ultra-Orthodox, visualise that drastically. In a pioneer Zionist town without any Christian body, suddenly there appeared a community of Israeli believers in Jesus (26/97).
The Lord was doing wonderful things in our midst. Two children in the town came to the Lord as well. The Lord gave a prophetic word to a sister in the community, from the book of Nehemiah, that the enemy was gonna come in the middle of the night, and that we should station ourselves in front of the house, and not go to sleep that night. I didn't know whether it was from the Lord or not. I knew that we were gonna have hard times, because they were putting posters up in the village against us. They were already beginning throwing rocks at our house. But she gave that word that we just felt we needed to obey. And really, in the middle of the night, thirty Yeshiva students came. Exactly according to the word. When we were waiting in front of the house for them, we didn't go to sleep. And then they went in and they tried to destroy as much of the house as they could. But the Lord used that to create a kind of a testimony in the country. There were stories about us for days in the newspapers. The Orthodox would say we were getting money from the PLO and from the Vatican. We were able to give testimony to Jesus from Scriptures and the Old Testament and also tell what he was doing in our midst. And finally they invited us to the televison and we were able to speak to the whole country about Jesus (26/97).
This incident happened already twenty years ago and presented a situation in which a woman could play a crucial role in handling a severe conflict with the outside world. In 1997 „the religious” still fight „evangelistic outreach”. A theatre group from abroad was to perform their play about Jesus in a restaurant. When Orthodox Jews learned this, they threatened the owner of the restaurant to take away his kashrut license. A kashrut license declares a restaurant kosher, which is a basic requirement for business and income. Finally the owner gave in and broke the agreement with the Messianic Jewish group. The group could not perform its play in that town (15/97).
Various groups experienced serious aggression. Some told me that the police witnessed aggression against Messianic Jews but did not care to protect them. I got the impression that this differed from town to town, that in some places the police did care and in others not. Such happened also to early Christians from the side of Roman authorities (Schimdt 1975: 89).
In a particular case, police forces are said to have, against official law, confiscated literature and to have restricted freedom of believers to move. Yet the groups appear determined to continue with what they feel they must do (8/97). They started considering new, less American and more locally fitting ways of outreach. They systematically spread tracts and even preach and sing in night clubs. A rock group recorded their Russian songs and spread them by different audio cassettes. Occasionally, aggression and harassment by „the religious” are being perceived as counterproductive for the Jewish orthodoxy, achieving the opposite, to the benefit of the Messianic Jewish believers. The conflict between the Messianic Jews and the so called Religious may prove a valuable subject for conflict sociology (Glasl 1994). 22In the first three Months of 1999 I learned of three instances in which so called „zealots” threw Molotov cocktails. In the first instance a house of a Messianic Jewish family got ruined, while they themselves remained unhurt. In the second instance the Jerusalem Baptist bookshop got damaged. Again no person was hurt. This instance shows that the „zealots” make no distinction between Christians and Jews, but regard both as „mission” that has to be fought. The third attack was against a popular Messianic leader. On a Sunday morning in March 1999, at 3.45 AM he woke from noise. Coming to his living room he saw fire at the window, on the second floor of an apartment building. Opening it, he found the bottle of the „cocktail” did not break. He drowned the burning bottle in a pot of water in his kitchen. The police was there within five minutes. His presence of mind and cool reaction saved not only his own life and property, but also the some twenty other families in the apartment house. Had the fire spread in the living room, it is questionably that he could have escaped and what had happened to the other inhabitants of the building. This case shows how reckless the „zealots” have become. Apparently it is only a question of time when such murderous attempt will succeed. Still, the result also of this attack on the life of the popular Messianic Jewish leader showed results adversary to the obvious intent of the attackers. The TV made an interview with him in his home and congregation. He could show what had happened to him, carefully explain the Messianic Jewish cause, what they believed and why they are persecuted by some probably ultra-orthodox „zealots”. However, a publication of the MAC that reported this instance also complained that the Israeli police would only „file” such incidents and do nothing to investigate them to seek out the attackers.)